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Letters to the Editor
Last updated 1996-01-23 by
Tom Isenberg
Top Ten Keys to Successful Letters-to-the-Editor
by Vernon Imrich
KNOW YOUR AUDIENCE! -- This is by far the most important thing. You
have to know what kinds of thing that particular publication thinks is
important. This means that you have to read that paper's editorials --
a lot. (If you don't read left-wing or other opponent papers, I
suggest you start. Fighting idealogical battles requires lots of enemy
intelligence, besides, you get soft and coddled reading only the stuff
you agree with all the time.)
Examples: My "profiles" of local papers
The Boston Globe -- leftwing, but a major paper, likes to think it is
not "censorsing" opposing views, wants "real" feedback, limited space
(see below).
The Tech -- MIT's blandest of the bland paper. They are just happy to
know someone reads them. Spit on a piece of paper and they'll print
it. Good place to start.
The Thistle -- MIT's left-wing, admittedly biased rag. Have to think
like a liberal, and pick your issues (see below).
REACT TO THEIR PUBLICATION -- Papers want to see that they are
generating debate, that people are excited about them, and most of all,
that you are reading them. Quote their text, and always cite their
articles or editorials as starting points.
BE DIRECT -- Papers want clarity. If you disagree, everyone had
better know you disagree in the first sentence. No hemming and hawing,
whining, or complaing. Tell them: you disagree, here's why, end of
story.
NO LONGER THAN IS NECESSARY -- For most "real world" publications
this means no more than a paragraph or two. Do this exercise: try
typing out a few paragraphs from an editorial or column and see how
much shorter the thing seems on your page than in the newspaper. Next
do the following. Read the thing you just typed. How fast did you
lose interest? Chances are if they were long winded and you disagreed
you stopped before it finished. People are busy, the press knows this.
Remember, these are the people who gave us "sound bites." In general I
write it out, and then just strip, strip, strip it down to the barest
minimum.
For college publications these rules are different. MIT's paper
frequently publishes "essay length" letters and often hosts debates in
a near USENET fashion with letters answering letters. This is not the
case elsewhere.
PICK A NARROW TARGET -- because of 3 and 4, you simply cannot hope to
cover everything in any kind of a cogent or supported fashion.
Therefore, pick a small piece of the issue, target it well and hit
hard. People reading their morning paper with a donut probably can't
digest a treatise on the fallacies of gun control anway.
DO NOT SAY ONE SINGLE THING YOU CANNOT ABSOLUTELY BACK UP! -- this
is the easiest way to get killed in letter writing. You can write a
Bible full of gospel truth, but if one fact is off, one tiny digression
is not supported quite well enough, respondents will dismiss the 99%
and take on the 1% you flubbed up. I would not use any fact for which
I could not personally cite the reference (and that reference better be
something credible to non-libertarians). And if you do have them
ready you can really slam dunk any doubters.
Example: I asserted that only 40% of the budget goes to defense and
debt (roughly 20% for each). Someone wrote back claiming it was thirty
for each, meaning 60% of the budget went to defense and debt "that
mostly paid for military build up anyway." I hit him with the latest
budget figures from UPI (18% military, 14% debt) and never heard back ;)
For papers like the Globe (that don't generally print responses to
other letters) this is still important. Their editors know what facts
are true and what aren't. They see one thing wrong and bye-bye.
DO NOT PREJUDICE YOURSELF -- Statements like "as a libertarian"
should come at the end unless they are in direct response to something
(e.g. in this case, an article about libertarians). You want people to
read what you have to say first and then find out who
you are. That way, they will read the argument and say "so that's what
libertarians think" rather than saying "uh oh, another one of those
libertarian nuts is ranting again" and then read the peice through
colored lenses. How would you read a letter that began
"As a liberal..."?
BE REASONABLE -- you can be animated and assertive without sounding
like a raving nut. Think about what you are saying. Write out the
file and then leave it for a while. Come back to it later, or let
others read it too. Control those emotions. Use them, but
control them. (Note: the leave-and-come-back is a good way to check
for lots of errors. Many times, your mind thinks a certain way and
leaves out important things. After lunch you will notice things that
don't make as much sense as they first did.)
ADVANCED TOPIC: BE COLORFUL OR DIFFERENT -- Can be very difficult to
do given the space restrictions and need for being direct, but can be
very useful. Papers generally use only a "sampling" of opinion. This
means they notice letters with catchy lines or good wit. Use vibrant
verbs and adjectives. If a plan is bad, don't say "bad" say
"preposterous." Other good words are "outraged," "a nightmare," or
"immense," instead of "angry," "a mistake," and "big." Be careful,
this can be dangerous. The lines between clever and stupid, or
colorful and insane are very thin, always err on the side of rational,
boring and reasonable.
ADVANCED TOPIC: GETTING ON ENEMY TURF -- One of the most delightful
and challenging aspects of letter writing is seeing if you can get past
the mental firewalls of various publications. To do this you need a
good understanding of what motivates their reasoning. When this is
grasped you can use that motivation, twist it a little and have them
caught in an idealogical web. At the very least they will print the
letter, assuming it a reasonable objection from a devoted follower.
Example: To get my letter in the Thistle (MIT's "commie rag") on the
issue of free speech (note, by knowing my audience, I knew this was one
of the only issues I could use), I cited the "thirty years of fighting"
for free speech on campus and how I was proud of my Berkeley days (I
was there as an undergrad). From there I stated how sad I was that
these "bastions of speech supporters" were now the very ones arguing
for speech codes. Hypocrisy or not, people are not going to toss out
sentiment or history. Also, if you know modern liberal thought, they
love appeals to history as justification.
Example: One of the letters to the Boston Globe (attached below) that
was printed was on gun control. Now the Globe is one of the most
overtly biased gun-grabbing outfits there is. But they do have a
deference for the Supreme Court (most of its rulings have helped
liberal causes in recent years) and due process. Also I noticed an
editorial appeal to Madison once on a constitutional issue. Thus, my
letter didn't actually ask for a change of heart on guns, but appealed
to due process to try to force the hardest path on to gun control
advocates (constitutional amendment). And of course, a tidy little
Madison quote finished it off.
Dear Editor:
In "A Starting Point on Guns" (Globe Dec. 4) Mr. Ryan makes the
faulty assertion that assault weapons belong only in "the military; the
locked cabinets of SWAT teams; or puerile fantasy." The fact is, the
2nd Amendment was written to prevent just this kind of state monopoly
on deadly force.
According to Thomas Jefferson, "The strongest reason for people to
retain the right to keep and bear arms is, as a last resort, to protect
themselves against tyranny in government." The framers wanted military
power vested in the militia which (in both the National Guard Act of
1903 and the Militia Act of 1792) "shall consist of every able-bodied
male citizen." In fact, in deciding that a certain weapon was not
protected by the 2nd Amendment, the U.S. Supreme Court reasoned that it
could not consider it "any part of the ordinary military equipment"
(U.S. v. Miller Et. Al. 1939).
Reasonable people may disagree with Jefferson and the framers, but
at least try to show more respect for the Bill of Rights. Either
accept what it means or follow the process to amend it. Don't degrade
it with what Madison called "the gradual and silent encroachment of
those in power."
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